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Exposure to and recall of violence reduce short-term memory and cognitive control
Edited by Susan T. Fiske, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ, and approved June 26, 2017 (received for review March 21, 2017)

Significance
Research on violence has mainly focused on its consequences on individuals’ health and behavior. This study establishes the effects of exposure to violence on individuals’ short-term memory and cognitive control. These are key factors affecting individual well-being and societal development. We sampled Colombian civilians who were exposed either to urban violence or to warfare. We found that higher exposure to violence significantly reduces short-term memory and cognitive control only in the group actively recalling emotional states linked with such experiences. This finding demonstrates and characterizes the long-lasting effects of violence. Existing studies have found effects of poverty on cognitive control similar to those that we found for violence. This set of findings supports the validity of the cognitive theory underpinning these studies.
Abstract
Previous research has investigated the effects of violence and warfare on individuals' well-being, mental health, and individual prosociality and risk aversion. This study establishes the short- and long-term effects of exposure to violence on short-term memory and aspects of cognitive control. Short-term memory is the ability to store information. Cognitive control is the capacity to exert inhibition, working memory, and cognitive flexibility. Both have been shown to affect positively individual well-being and societal development. We sampled Colombian civilians who were exposed either to urban violence or to warfare more than a decade earlier. We assessed exposure to violence through either the urban district-level homicide rate or self-reported measures. Before undertaking cognitive tests, a randomly selected subset of our sample was asked to recall emotions of anxiety and fear connected to experiences of violence, whereas the rest recalled joyful or emotionally neutral experiences. We found that higher exposure to violence was associated with lower short-term memory abilities and lower cognitive control in the group recalling experiences of violence, whereas it had no effect in the other group. This finding demonstrates that exposure to violence, even if a decade earlier, can hamper cognitive functions, but only among individuals actively recalling emotional states linked with such experiences. A laboratory experiment conducted in Germany aimed to separate the effect of recalling violent events from the effect of emotions of fear and anxiety. Both factors had significant negative effects on cognitive functions and appeared to be independent from each other.
Violence and warfare are a persistent characteristic of most human societies, from the lowest levels of complexity (1). Approximately 650,000 people are estimated to have been victims of homicide around the world in 2010 (2). In addition to its direct economic costs (3), exposure to violence (ETV) has significant negative effects on both physical and mental health (4⇓–6). Approximately 5% of male and 10% of female US citizens suffer from posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) after ETV (4, 5). ETV has significant effects on a wide array of individual behavior and socioeconomic outcomes (7), ranging from changes in risk preferences (8, 9), to higher temporal discounting and impulsivity (9), higher prosociality (8, 10, 11), and increased political participation (12).
This study addresses the direct impact of ETV on short-term memory and cognitive control. Short-term memory is an individual’s capacity to store information. It is distinct from working memory, which requires both storing and a mental manipulation of information (13). Short-term memory is a valid predictor for job and training performance (14). Better forward digit span as a measure of short-term memory at preschool age predicts better math and reading abilities during the first years of primary school (15). Deficits in short-term memory, by contrast, are associated with several medical conditions, such as Alzheimer’s disease (16) and PTSD (4⇓–6, 17).
Cognitive control, also referred to as executive function, has been defined as a family of top-down mental processes needed when one has to concentrate and pay attention, when going on automatic or relying on instinct or intuition would be ill-advised, insufficient, or impossible (13). Extensive empirical research identifies three components of cognitive control that seem crucial in problem-solving. These components are inhibitory control (which can be broken down into self-control and selective attention), working memory, and cognitive flexibility. These three components of cognitive control, in turn, enable fluid intelligence (13). Cognitive control, in general or in some of its components, is positively associated with and temporally precedes a wide array of aspects of individual well-being and indicators of societal development. Lack of cognitive control is correlated with and precedes mental disorders (18), unhealthy behavior (19), and early mortality (20). Cognitive control predicts school readiness and positive educational attainment (21). Self-control in children has been shown to predict physical health, personal wealth, and criminal offenses 30 y later (18). Low cognitive control also predicts unemployment and affects wages (22). Specific neural systems are activated when individuals exert self-control (23), and these neural systems are linked to genetic components that have also been associated with violent behavior (24). Ascertaining the impact of ETV on cognitive control is therefore important to further understanding the social, economic, and health effects of violence.
The main site of our research was Colombia, a country affected by extensive warfare and violence for several decades. In the first experiment, participants were residents of urban areas where violence, street crime, and ordinary criminality are widespread. In the second experiment, participants were internally displaced civilians, living in rural areas that had been the theater of armed conflicts between irregular militia groups up to 10 y ago. Given the variety of these environments, we were able to compare short- and long-term effects of violence, as well as the impact of different types of violence—warfare in the rural sample and ordinary criminality in the urban one.
The key methodology of our research relied on the randomized and experimentally induced recall of experiences of violence in a portion of our sample, and of emotionally neutral or joyful experiences in the remaining portion, before the execution of cognitive tests (9, 25, 26). We analyzed the direct effects of violence recall (VR), ETV, and their combination on measures of short-term memory and cognitive control. This design controlled for confounding factors and allowed us to better investigate the issue of causality.
Psychologists propose a “dual-process” framework in which an “automatic system” and a “reflective system” interact to produce decisions (27, 28). The former is uncontrolled by our conscious thinking, is effortless, follows associations rather than deductions, and is constantly active. The latter requires conscious cognitive control, demands deliberate effort by the individual, and can use deductive logic or rules. Our main hypothesis was that ETV triggers immediate psychological reactions whereby the automatic system becomes predominant over the reflective system. We conjectured that the effects may be long-lasting, especially when individuals are faced with traumatic, life-threatening ETV. Furthermore, we posited that recalling episodes of violence, even many years after their occurrence, may lead to the same effect, especially when the experience that is being reenacted is particularly traumatic. Support for these hypotheses comes from extensive neurobiological and clinical research documenting the effects of traumatizing stress (29, 30) and PTSD (4⇓–6) on the neuroendocrine network underlying cognitive control. In particular, the release of catecholamine induced by acute stressors impairs cognitive control of the prefrontal cortex (PFC) (31), while at the same time enhancing the emotional and habitual responses of the amygdala, which also regulates fear conditioning, and the tonic firing of the noradrenergic locus coeruleus (32, 33). The dopamine system is also involved, because acute stress triggers enhanced dopamine efflux in the medial PFC. Upon modulation by glucocorticoid receptors, this system decreases cognitive control (34, 35). Although most of the above studies involved animals, similar transmission mechanisms seem to operate in humans. In particular, exposure to natural situations of mild distress led to deficits in both attentional control and in dorsolateral PFC functional connectivity with other areas of the fronto-parietal attentional network in humans (36). On the basis of this evidence, we hypothesized that ETV may impair cognitive control through the induction of acute and chronic stress.
Results
Experiment I: Exposure to Urban Violence.
We ran our first experiment among residents of the Colombian capital, Bogotá. With a yearly average of 21.6 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants over the period 2008–2011, Bogotá is one of the most violent capitals among developing countries. There exists, nonetheless, large variety in homicide rates among its districts. These rates can range from levels comparable to those of the most violent areas in the world to levels that are eight times lower. We measured individual ETV through the district-level homicide rate in the subject’s district of residence (SI Appendix, section 1.1.1, Fig. S1, and Table S1). For the ensuing analyses, we divided our sample into two groups, with one comprising subjects living in districts with relatively very high ETV—namely, those whose ETV lies above the 75th percentile. Our sample comprised 308 residents of Bogotá between 18 and 24 y of age, who came from all but two of Bogotá’s 19 districts (see SI Appendix, Tables S1 and S2 and section 1.3.1 for descriptive statistics). We focused on this age group because we aimed to minimize the risk of self-selection of subjects into districts, as people in this age group can be largely expected to live with their families.
Our dependent variable in this experiment is subjects’ responses to a test of short-term memory (37). The task consisted of memorizing a set of colored abstract geometric figures, to be later identified in a sequence of 10 figures presented in succession. The task was monetarily incentivized. We analyze the accuracy rate (i.e., the fraction of correct answers relative to the total number of questions). Crucial to our design is the VR manipulation. At the beginning of the session, a randomly determined subset of the subjects was asked to recall an event that occurred in the last year that caused anxiety or fear, explicitly hinting at violence as a possible cause of such an emotional state (9, 25). We refer to this group as VR. The remaining subjects were asked to either recall a joyful experience or a generic experience devoid of emotional content. Because results never differed when neutral or joyful experiences were recalled (Mann–Whitney–Wilcoxon test, P = 0.95, n = 200; all tests are two-tailed), we merged the two conditions in the analysis, referring to them as neutral/joy recall (abbreviated NR). In all experiments, the hypothesis that the treatment was exogenous was not rejected (SI Appendix, Tables S3–S5 and S39). For simplicity, we present results in the form of a 2 × 2 factorial design, in which the ETV component—high ETV (abbreviated HV for high violence) and low ETV (abbreviated LV for low violence)—is crossed with the recall component—VR or NR.
As shown in Fig. 1A, accuracy on the memory task was on average lowest in the HV group recalling violence (
Impact of ETV on short-term memory. Accuracy levels in the memory task are broken down by recall condition (VR vs. NR) and levels of ETV—high or low ETV. High ETV identifies subjects lying above the distribution’s 75th-percentile split of the district-level homicide rate in the urban sample (A) and of a self-reported ETV measure for the war-displaced sample (B). Error bars reflect ±95% confidence intervals. Top horizontal bars show the statistical significance of tests on the null hypothesis that accuracy is the same in pairs of groups, as per Tobit regression reported in SI Appendix, Table S8 (A) and SI Appendix, Table S14 (B). †P < 0.1; *P < 0.05; **P < 0.01; ***P < 0.001.
Analysis of effects of ETV and VR on short-term memory and cognitive control: experiments I and II
District-level homicide rates, our measure of ETV, may be confounded with other variables operating at the district level, such as poverty, education, and quality of public services. In SI Appendix, Tables S10 and S11, we show that when district-level measures of these variables replaced ETV as a possible causal factor in our econometric analysis, none of them yielded significant effects on accuracy. We also replicated this analysis using a self-reported measure of ETV, constructed on three items derived from a postexperiment questionnaire. Such items inquired as to whether the subject had been a victim of violence in the recent past. All subjects had some minimal degree of direct ETV. Subjects belonging to the HV group who recalled violence were, again, the worst performers among the four groups formed using this self-reported ETV measure, whereas no significant difference emerged between the HV group not recalling violence and the two LV groups (SI Appendix, Tables S12 and S13 and Fig. S3). Finally, we found no interaction effects between ETV and either joy or neutral recall (SI Appendix, Table S10). We believe that this evidence is concordant in suggesting that the observed effects were driven by ETV rather than other district-level variables.
Experiment II: Exposure to Warfare and Forced Displacement 14 y Earlier.
Colombia is one of the countries with the highest percentage of war-related internally displaced individuals (38). Between 4.9 million and 5.5 million people are believed to be internally displaced. All subjects in experiment II had been displaced in the year 2000 from their homes by attacks and death threats carried out by irregular militia groups. Most people relocated to a settlement ∼10 km from their original residence (SI Appendix, section 1.1.2). All of our subjects were officially recognized as victims of the conflict by the Colombian government, upon the conduction of an official inquiry and the provision of factual evidence (see SI Appendix, section 1.1.2 and Table S2 for descriptive statistics). As in our urban sample, a randomly determined fraction of subjects was asked to recall episodes of violence; others were asked to recall joyful or neutral experiences. We removed the constraint that the experience of violence had occurred in the last year. The wide majority (87%) of subjects involved in the VR condition talked about their experience of relocation that occurred 14 y earlier.
In this rural sample, we could not rely on an objective measure of violence as in Bogotá. We then constructed an index of ETV based on subjects’ self-reported exposure, adapted from previous studies (8). The questionnaire from which this index was derived was administered after the experimental tasks and consisted of 20 items inquiring about the number of times a subject, or a member of his or her family, was the object of violence, such as ambushes, physical or armed attack, kidnapping, forced labor, torture, or robbery, or whether they had to pay a ransom (see SI Appendix, sections 1.3.2 and 1.6.2 for questionnaire and details on the index). The prior recall of experiences of violence for subjects in the VR group did not cause overreporting of episodes of violence in the postexperiment questionnaire, in comparison with subjects in the NR group (P = 0.94, Mann–Whitney–Wilcoxon test, n = 221). Using this measure, we divided the sample in two groups: the HV group that includes the subjects whose ETV score lies above the 75th percentile and the LV group including all others.
We run a version of the memory task adapted from the one conducted in Bogotá (SI Appendix, section 1.6.2). For comparability, we restricted our analysis to the same age group used in Bogotá (i.e., subjects between 18 and 24 y of age; n = 30). Accuracy followed the same pattern observed in the urban sample (Fig. 1B and SI Appendix, Fig. S2). Mean accuracy was again lowest in the HV group recalling violence (
In this fieldwork, we also ran two additional tasks to measure two aspects of cognitive ability. We measured inhibitory control through the Stroop task (13, 39). This task requires selective attention (focusing on what is relevant and trying to ignore what is not) and vigilantly keeping in mind the rule to successfully execute the task. We used a numeric version of this task (26, 39), suited for a sample with high illiteracy rates. Subjects were given up to 45 numerical sequences. In each, a digit from 1 to 4 appeared one to four times, and subjects were asked to state the number of times this digit appeared. The impulsive answer is the digit that appears in the sequence. The correct answer—which supposedly requires the reflective system to overrule the automatic system—is nevertheless the number of times that such a digit appears. (For instance, the impulsive answer to the sequence “1 1 1” is 1, whereas the correct answer is 3.)
We report results from the sample including all age groups (n = 141). Accuracy levels across the groups followed the same pattern observed in the memory tasks. Average accuracy was lowest in the HV group recalling violence (
Impact of ETV on cognitive control. Accuracy levels in the Stroop task and Raven sequential matrices task are broken down by recall condition (VR vs. NR) and levels of ETV—high or low ETV. High ETV identifies subjects lying above the 75th-percentile split of the distribution of the self-reported ETV measure. Error bars reflect ±95% confidence intervals. Top horizontal bars show the statistical significance of tests on the null hypothesis that accuracy is the same in pairs of groups, as per Tobit regression reported in SI Appendix, Table S16 (A) and SI Appendix, Table S18 (B). †P < 0.1; *P < 0.05; **P < 0.01.
We also ran a simplified version of Raven’s progressive matrices. Raven’s task is used to measure “fluid intelligence” [i.e., the capacity to reason, solve problems in novel situations independent of acquired knowledge, and see patterns or abstract relations among items (40)]. Fluid intelligence includes both inductive and deductive logical reasoning and is strongly correlated with the reasoning and problem-solving subcomponents of cognitive control. It can be considered a higher-level form of cognitive control (13). We found an overall pattern that mirrored the one found for the previous measures of cognitive abilities. Accuracy was lowest in the HV group recalling violence (
Experiments I and II: Overall Assessment.
We fitted a Tobit model on the pooled sample of observations from the three measures of accuracy reviewed above. Overall, accuracy in the HV group recalling violence was statistically significantly lower than in any other group (SI Appendix, Fig. S5; in particular, P = 0.002 with respect to the LV group recalling violence; P < 0.001 with respect to the HV group not recalling violence; and P = 0.001 with respect to the LV group not recalling violence; n = 516 for each test). Conversely, accuracy in the HV group not recalling violence was statistically no different from accuracy in the LV group either recalling or not recalling violence (Table 1 and SI Appendix, Tables S20 and S21). Shifting from the LV to the HV group in the VR condition reduced overall accuracy on our memory and cognitive tests by 38% of a SD. When not recalling violence, this same shift led to an increase of 6% of a SD. Moreover, recalling violence induced a decrease of 47.2% of a SD in accuracy in the HV group. It is also worth noting that the differential effect of ETV between the VR group and the other group was positive and significant in the pooled sample (Table 1; P = 0.004, n = 516), as well as for each individual measure, except the Raven task (Table 1 and SI Appendix, Fig. S6). The overall effect of ETV on accuracy, without conditioning on the recall group, was negative and at the border of statistical significance in the pooled sample (Table 1; P = 0.090; n = 516), whereas it was never significant for individual measures (Table 1). Likewise, the overall effects of VR, unconditional on the ETV group, was weak in the pooled sample (P = 0.073; n = 540) and not significant for the individual measures, except for the Stroop task (P = 0.013, n = 141; Table 1).
A scatterplot of our data shows that ETV had substantially similar effects in the urban sample (r = −0.29, with r being the coefficient of the interpolation line using a continuous measure for ETV) and the war-displaced sample (r = −0.21), when violence was recalled (Fig. 3A). In the group recalling neutral or joyful experiences, the coefficient was close to zero in the urban environment (r = 0.02), whereas it appeared higher (r = 0.18) in the war-displaced sample (Fig. 3B). Removing an outlier from the latter sample (SI Appendix, Fig. S7) reduced the gap between urban and war-displaced samples in the neutral/joy condition.
Intersubject variability of cognitive control measurements (experiments I and II). The scatterplot of ETV (measured on a continuous scale) and accuracy on the three cognitive tests is reported. Linear predictions for experiment I (urban sample) and experiment II (rural environment, war-displaced sample) are also plotted, and their slopes are reported. A and B report observations in the VR and NR groups, respectively.
We replicated the analyses above, defining the HV group as subjects lying above the median split of the respective sample, rather than as those lying above the 75% percentile (SI Appendix, Tables S22–S33). We also analyzed ETV measured on a continuous scale (SI Appendix, Tables S34–S37). Although the qualitative nature of the results remained generally unchanged, the statistical significance of the tests tends to be generally lower. These analyses suggest that the effects of ETV on accuracy were mainly driven by people highly exposed to violence (i.e., those lying in the upper quartile of the distribution of ETV).
Experiment III: Evaluating the Impact of Emotions and Recall.
The above results may be due to the recall of experiences of violence, to the emotions associated with the recall, or to a combination of the two factors. The lack of suitable equipment in the fieldwork in Colombia prevented us from disentangling these two factors. For this reason, we ran a replication of the study in controlled laboratory conditions in Germany. Subjects were randomly assigned to four conditions. In the baseline condition, subjects were asked to recall joyful experiences, similarly to the baseline condition in experiments I and II. In the recalled fear (RF) condition, subjects were asked to recall experiences of violence, such as the November 2015 Paris attacks. Personal ETV is extremely rare in Germany; thus, we chose to have people recalling a violent event that created widespread apprehension among Europeans. In the current fear (CF) condition, we experimentally induced emotions of fear and anxiety. This induction was achieved by exposing subjects to the prospect of receiving minor electric shocks to their fingers in the course of the experiment (41, 42). Such electric shocks were calibrated to pose some physical discomfort, but not a painful experience. The anticipation of unpleasant electric shocks leads to an increase in emotional arousal during the anticipation phase (41, 43). In CF, the emotions of fear and anxiety were elicited without any recall of experiences of violence. In a fourth condition (RF&CF), subjects were administered both RF and CF stimuli. Our experiment was designed to compare the impact on cognitive abilities of an emotional state of fear or anxiety—when CF was administered—or by the recall of experiences of violence—when RF was administered. We could thus study the impact of emotions of fear and anxiety in isolation from the recall of violence experiences and compare this effect with that of recall. The full factorial design also allowed us to study a possible interaction between such two factors. Our dependent variable was subjects’ absolute accuracy level on a computerized version of the Stroop task administered in experiment II. Our sample comprised students of a German university (SI Appendix, Table S38).
Compared with the baseline, accuracy dropped by 5.34% and 6.45%, respectively, when either CF or RF were administered, and by 10.68% when both CF and RF were administered (SI Appendix, Table S40 and Fig. S8). The joint impact of the two stimuli was thus approximately equal to the sum of each individual stimulus. An econometric model that controlled for demographic characteristics, college achievement, degree, and fieldwork wave confirmed the statistical significance of such effects (SI Appendix, Tables S41 and S42). Accuracy in both CF and RF was statistically significantly lower than the baseline (P = 0.024 for CF; P = 0.010 for RF; n = 164) and was similar in size (t test on the coefficient different being equal to zero: β = 0.83, P = 0.83, n = 164). The interaction between the two effects was not significant (β = 0.46, P = 0.93, n = 164), which confirms that the combined effect of the two stimuli was approximately the same as the sum of the two individual effects. This evidence suggests that the two effects appeared to be independent.
Subjects’ physiological reactions to the stimuli were examined by recording skin conductance responses during the experiment. Raw electrodermal signal was separated via continuous decomposition analysis (44) into a phasic stimulus-driven part and a tonic baseline level. The tonic baseline level is commonly interpreted as an indicator of general arousal, whereas the phasic component captures spikes and deviations from such a baseline level (44, 45). According to our econometric analysis (SI Appendix, Table S41), the tonic component was significantly higher for CF compared with the baseline (P = 0.027, n = 164), but this result did not hold for RF (P = 0.19, n = 164). Conversely, we found weak evidence that RF induced phasic components (P = 0.072, n = 164), whereas this result did not hold for CF (P = 0.40, n = 164). Although the differences between CF and RF were not statistically significant (t test: P = 0.47 for tonic; P = 0.49 for phasic response, n = 164), we note the tendency of physiological reactions to follow different patterns in the two conditions. This pattern appeared to be mirrored in the emotional footprints, because subjects’ self-reported emotional states tended to differ across treatments, particularly for the emotion of sadness (SI Appendix, Table S43).
Discussion
This study shows differential effects of continuing exposure to higher and lower levels of violence over years on short-term memory and cognitive control in both urban and rural samples from Colombia. We found that higher ETV significantly reduces both short-term memory and cognitive control, but only in the group actively recalling emotional states of fear and anxiety linked with experiences of violence. On the contrary, when such emotional states were not recalled, accuracy on memory and cognitive tasks was no different between groups highly and lowly exposed to violence.
The patterns we found were similar in all of the measures of cognitive abilities that we used—although the results fell short of statistical significance on the Raven test. This set of findings is noteworthy because our samples varied greatly in terms of the type of ETV—street crime violence in the case of Bogotá residents and warfare in the case of the rural sample—as well as the time frame of ETV—short-term in the case of Bogotá and long-term in the case of the rural sample. Research conducted on animals and humans showed that the effects of mild stress is reversible after a few weeks (36). We found that ETV seemed to have cognitive effects even after more than a decade had passed from the main traumatic event that was recalled. The effects of ETV thus seemed to be persistent. Although other studies found significant behavioral differences between groups that have either been exposed to traumatic experiences of violence or that have not been affected by violence (11), in this study, we found effects of ETV within the former group. This finding suggests that not only the mere ETV, but also its intensity, has the capacity to severely affect human behavior.
Our results have two additional implications. On the one hand, our results suggest that a traumatic experience that is unresolved, and that one keeps bringing up in memory, may significantly negatively affect a person’s ability to exercise short-term memory and cognitive control, thus affecting his or her ability to function well in life. In particular, when memories of past trauma are triggered, they might also impact the cognitive functioning of victims who would otherwise not suffer the effects of trauma. Recovering from past traumas, although possible, might be fragile and highly vulnerable. On the other hand, our results also suggest that, even if a person has experienced traumatic violent events, this person’s recovery may be helped by not dwelling on these memories, but rather by recalling happier memories. His or her ability to exercise the critical mental skills that we studied will not be affected, allowing him or her to potentially succeed in arenas of life in which these skills are important.
More research is needed to better understand the psychological, but also the social, mechanisms behind our findings. We cannot rule out that the observed effects reflect the combined influence of ETV and other social factors such as poverty. Moreover, our results may be culture- or context-specific. Although the evidence coming from Germany seems to be consistent with what we found in Colombia, replication is needed under different circumstances, in other parts of the world, or for other types of violence to corroborate fully our findings.
Recent research using similar methodologies to ours shows that poverty—understood as the psychological perception of a gap between one’s needs and one’s material resources—exerts a decay of cognitive functioning and alters preferences (26, 46). Our results demonstrate that ETV appears to have a similar effect to that exerted by poverty. These findings support the robustness of the theory of mind that lies behind these analyses.
Materials and Methods
Sampling procedures, experimental protocol, instructions read to subjects, and ethnographic information are discussed in SI Appendix, section 1.
All our econometric analyses of accuracy on cognitive tasks deployed Tobit models. This method takes into account the truncated nature of the accuracy variable. The econometric models controlled for demographic factors—namely, gender, age, education, and socioeconomic status. Our main variable of interest in experiments I and II was the measure of ETV, categorized in two groups of people more or less exposed to violence. Its effects on cognitive performance were analyzed both on the whole sample and separately for experimental treatment. Data from our experiments are shown in Datasets S1–S4. Variables are defined in Dataset S5. The commands to replicate our econometric analyses with the Stata package are reported in Dataset S6.
The research committee of the Konrad Lorenz University granted ethical approval for experiments I and II. The German Psychological Foundation approved the research design of experiment III. Written informed consent was obtained from every subject.
Acknowledgments
We thank Suelen Castiblanco, Laura Jiménez, and Daniel Reyes for providing research assistance and the community leaders in Montes de María (who prefer to remain anonymous) and the personnel in Cedecampo for providing logistical support. We also thank Barbara Bobba, Benedetto De Martino, and Navah Kadish for comments. This work was supported by Open Evidence Grant 008-Tierra-Colombia; Fundación Universitaria Konrad Lorenz Grant 7INV3131; Universitat Jaume I Grant P1.1B2015-48; Spanish Ministry of Economics and Competitivity Grant ECO 2015-68469-R; and Fondazione Franceschi.
Footnotes
- ↵1To whom correspondence should be addressed. Email: gianluca.grimalda{at}ifw-kiel.de.
↵2Present address: Department of Economics, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ 08544; and Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, Princeton University, Princeton, NJ 08544.
Author contributions: F.B., G.G., P.O., and P.R. designed research; F.B. performed research for experiment I; F.B. and G.G. performed research for experiment II; P.R. performed research for experiment III; F.B., G.G., and P.R. analyzed data; and F.B., G.G., P.O., and P.R. wrote the paper.
Conflict of interest statement: P.O. has had no prior contact with the editor of this paper and was not affiliated with Princeton University until July 1, 2017.
This article is a PNAS Direct Submission.
This article contains supporting information online at www.pnas.org/lookup/suppl/doi:10.1073/pnas.1704651114/-/DCSupplemental.
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