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Research Article

Status threat, not economic hardship, explains the 2016 presidential vote

View ORCID ProfileDiana C. Mutz
  1. aDepartment of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104;
  2. bAnnenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104

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PNAS May 8, 2018 115 (19) E4330-E4339; first published April 23, 2018; https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1718155115
Diana C. Mutz
aDepartment of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104;
bAnnenberg School for Communication, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, PA 19104
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  • ORCID record for Diana C. Mutz
  • For correspondence: mutz@upenn.edu
  1. Edited by Jennifer A. Richeson, Yale University, New Haven, CT, and approved March 26, 2018 (received for review October 16, 2017)

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    Fig. 1.

    Issue positions of self (average voter) and perceptions of Republican and Democratic presidential candidates, 2012–2016. Note that change over time in opinion (self) is significant for own opinions on trade and immigration but not for own opinions on China. Change over time in perceived candidate positions is significant for all three issues for placement of both Republican and Democratic candidates (P < 0.001).

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    Fig. 2.

    Net change in predicted probability of Republican vs. Democratic vote, 2012–2016. Note that bars represent change in predicted probability of voting for the Republican in 2016 vs. 2012 among validated voters. Calculations were based on predicted values from the regression model (Table 1) when setting the variable of interest at its wave 0 and wave 1 means (Table S1) and calculating the difference in probabilities of a Republican vote while holding all other variables at their wave 0 means. Positive values indicate increasing probabilities of a Republican vote choice.

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    Fig. 3.

    Status threat accounts for the impact of education on the 2016 presidential election. Note that bars represent the predictive strength of education on each of three different outcome measures after taking into account (i) demographics alone, (ii) demographics and economic predictors only, and (iii) demographics and threat indicators only. Details are in Table S5. ***P < 0.001.

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    Table 1.

    Predicting change in presidential support from 2012 to 2016: Fixed effects analysis

    Change in predictorsModel 1: Thermometer advantageModel 2: Vote choice among validated voters
    Effects of change in predictors on change in Republican thermometer advantageEffects of change in salience of 2012 predictors on change in Republican thermometer advantage (predictor by wave)Effects of change in predictors on change in presidential vote choiceEffects of change in salience of 2012 predictors on change in presidential vote choice (predictor by wave)
    Coefficientz ValueCoefficientz ValueCoefficientz ValueCoefficientz Value
    Party identification (Democrat)−0.686−2.870**0.2751.420−1.610−8.121***−0.551−1.589
    Personal economic hardship
     Household income−0.004−0.080−0.036−1.070−0.052−1.082−0.029−0.399
     Looking for work0.0060.0100.6240.760−0.692−0.691−2.162−1.481
     Personal finances (better)−0.032−0.190−0.104−0.540−0.025−0.1070.2280.545
     Personal effects of trade (better)−0.303−1.850−0.253−1.2700.1040.530−0.321−1.205
    Own issue opinions
     On trade−0.037−0.2900.0420.300−0.029−0.200−0.261−1.098
     On immigration−0.170−1.490−0.219−1.7700.1030.7680.1380.652
     On China0.1901.6400.0020.0200.1120.821−0.035−0.154
    Perceived distance of Democratic candidate on issues
     On trade0.1201.140−0.108−0.7600.5303.116**0.1660.890
     On immigration0.1992.000*−0.086−0.6800.3382.425*0.0990.422
     On China0.3923.840***0.1060.8300.3702.748***−0.086−0.315
    Perceived distance of Republican candidate on issues
     On trade−0.213−2.280*−0.034−0.260−0.484−2.986**−0.239−0.921
     On immigration−0.010−0.1100.2191.930−0.418−3.208**−0.274−1.059
     On China−0.206−2.340*0.0720.650−0.357−2.963***−0.017−0.061
    SDO0.1842.570*−0.022−0.2800.2762.556*−0.046−0.246
    National economy−0.583−3.730***0.0830.440−0.773−3.884***−0.296−0.722
    Economic context†
     Unemployed, %−0.035−0.520−0.077−0.407
     Manufacturing, %0.0180.900−0.072−1.712
     Median income−0.007−1.160−0.011−0.729
    Wave (2012–2016)0.8110.6205.3962.165*
     Constant12.71010.590***3.9812.663*
     R2/pseudo-R20.650.78
     Sample size (n)1,088793
    • Note that results are based on single fixed effects models for thermometer advantage (columns 2 through 5) and vote choice among validated voters (columns 6 through 9) using robust SEs, and incorporating tests of both priming and change in attitudes over time. Fixed effects ordinary least squares regression was used to analyze change in Republican thermometer advantage; fixed effects logit regression was used to analyze Republican versus Democratic vote. *P < 0.05; **P < 0.01; ***P < 0.001.

    • ↵† Information on economic context by zip code was available only once during this period, thus preventing estimation of the impact of changes in conditions over time.

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Status threat, not economic hardship, explains the 2016 presidential vote
Diana C. Mutz
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences May 2018, 115 (19) E4330-E4339; DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1718155115

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Status threat, not economic hardship, explains the 2016 presidential vote
Diana C. Mutz
Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences May 2018, 115 (19) E4330-E4339; DOI: 10.1073/pnas.1718155115
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